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Notes from a cliff-edge

love, anger and betrayal

9/7/2025

 
1096 words, 5-minute read

​I’m on the London Underground. Reading a book. I look up to check the station. Clapham South. Dammit. I’ve missed my stop. I close the book - source of my distraction, engrossing doesn’t cut it - and cross platforms to head back upstream.
 
The book in question is ‘Love, Anger and Betrayal’, the latest from environmental campaigner Jonathon Porritt. Jonathon has been in the game a long time (he joined the Green Party in 1974 and has since covered every possible base in the environmental movement - and invented a few more besides), so what he says, matters.
 
In ‘Love, Anger and Betrayal’ he turns his attention to 26 young Just Stop Oil  (JSO) campaigners, all of whom have been arrested for peaceful direct action and some of whom are in prison. In truth these 26 are Jonathon’s co-authors as each of them is given space to detail their involvement in JSO, their motivation, inspiration, relationship with nature, and hopes for  the future. They also reflect in their own words on the chapter themes: climate science, taking direct action, confronting the law, the emotional burden of arrest and imprisonment etc.
 
It’s impossible and invidious to generalise about these extraordinary young people, but four things stand out for me.  First, their selflessness; there is not an iota of self-aggrandisement on display here. Second, their surprise that not everyone sees things the way they do, when it’s so obvious that not changing course will lead us to perdition. Third, the equanimity with which they accept their punishment, not because the sentences are fair but because they believe they’re doing the right thing at the right time, and in that sense they’re where they have to be.
 
Fourth, the road travelled. Each and every one of these protestors has started near the bottom of the commitment escalator and ridden it to the top. From there they survey an uncertain future, both theirs and the planet’s, making sacrifices along the way (though they may not see them like that) that few of us would be willing to make. At some point in that uncertain future these young activists, vilified on all sides (including by those on the same side) will be recognised for the courageous, right-minded people they are.
 
These 26 campaigners are just a handful of those, young and old, who have fallen victim to the government’s determination to drive direct action from the streets of the UK. Successive governments - both Conservative and Labour - have passed legislation that makes it increasingly difficult to take action (even making a Zoom call) without being threatened with arrest. (Jonathon himself has fallen foul of legislation that makes supporting the currently proscribed group Palestine Action a criminal offence).
 
Historical comparisons are hard to avoid. Some of the activists, and Jonathon himself, cite the Suffragettes as a source of inspiration, and it’s a measure of the government’s duplicitous insincerity that the erstwhile Home Secretary Yvette Cooper can sickeningly dress up in Suffragette colours and then pass legislation proscribing Palestine Action which uses the same tactics as those that got Cooper the vote.
 
The environmental movement has a very broad front and practically every tactic has been used to try to turn round the juggernaut that is leading us to environmental and social disaster. Just Stop Oil, like Extinction Rebellion, is at the radical end of the spectrum (though does anyone remember monkeywrenching?)
 
I think it’s fair to say that Jonathon has spent most of his political life on the moderate flank: the Green Party, Director of Friends of the Earth, founder member of the sustainable development charity Forum for the Future. In the light of this, one of the most poignant passages in the book is this one:
 
‘There may well be a climate majority out there, just waiting for the right moment to show how much they care, to demonstrate how determined they are to see their elected representatives get a grip on this crisis. But I’ve spent more than fifty years trying to reach out to that majority of citizens, if only to mobilise a bigger minority of them, and I have no illusions left - about both my failure and theirs. If we continue to rely on the same old business-as-usual theory of change, the inevitable result will be that such a majority will be mobilised only when it is already too late to make any significant difference.’
 
And it’s for this reason that he ‘is deeply disappointed by all those mainstream climate campaigners and environmentalists who never spoke up in support of Just Stop Oil’.  It’s said that we get more conservative with age. Jonathon seems to have taken the wrong potion. A combination of lived experience and over a year spent with these extraordinary young people looks to have placed him firmly on the radical flank.
 
In the context of UK environmental politics this is an important moment, because concerted calls for a ‘moderate flank’ are being made by significant figures in the environmental movement, aimed precisely at the ‘climate majority’ that Jonathon has spent 50 years trying and failing to reach. Can it be ‘both … and’ rather than ‘either … or’? Maybe, but time spent working on the moderate flank is time you can’t spend anywhere else.
 
What other options are there? Years ago a university colleague of mine pointed me towards the insurance industry. After all, he said, who thinks more about the future than them? Since then, insurance has come up over and over again as a weak spot in capitalism’s armoury, as the costs of insuring against future environmental disasters rise inexorably. (Most recently for me in John Vaillant’s magnificent and shocking ‘Fire Weather’).
 
Jonathon imagines a worst-ever hurricane season in Florida causing state-based insurance company bankruptcies, followed by a cascade of bankruptcies up the chain to the World Bank itself. ‘That’s the only way,’ he writes, ‘as I see it right now, in which today’s suicidal  capitalist system turns out, against all the odds, and at absolutely the last possible moment, to be capable of rescuing itself from itself’. That’s quite a journey from Jonathon’s 2007 ‘Capitalism as if the World Matters’!
 
So perhaps, in the end, the Death Machine will chew itself up from the inside. Meanwhile, courageous young people, given voice here by Jonathon, are dragged through the Machine’s ‘justice system’, a system in which judges ludicrously demand that protestors show remorse before they pass sentence. ‘How could I be morally compelled to take action one week’, asks Indigo Rumbelow, ‘and then be filled with regret for acting the next?’

Crushing dissent

3/3/2024

 
Jonathon Porritt, UK sustainability campaigner and a key figure in the country’s environmental movement for decades, has written a powerful blog decrying the crushing of environmental dissent in recent months.

‘First they came for Just Stop Oil’, he writes, ‘then they came for radical environmentalists; then they came for members of the National Trust, the RSPB, and WWF. But there was no one left to speak for them’. This is a conscious echo of Lutheran pastor Martin Niemöller’s 1946 confessional ‘First they came for the communists …’ warning against the dangers of a creeping authoritarianism of which we only become aware once it’s too late to do anything about it.
 
Porritt continues: ‘I know I shouldn’t be, but I’m astonished at the lack of concern/interest on the part of “mainstream environmentalists” as we slide inexorably into a police state. The right to peaceful protest is still a basic human right. But you sure as hell wouldn’t know that here in the UK.’
 
He’s right of course, and I would only argue/add that environmentalists have been asleep at the wheel for rather longer than he says.
 
First off, and most proximately, the seeds of the legislation for crushing dissent were sown during the pandemic and we went along all too readily with the extreme measures taken then. Of course they were justified by the fact that it was an emergency and the occasional 'beyond the pale' action by the police was excused by the fact that the legislation was new, complex, and sometimes difficult to interpret. The key element here, though, is the word 'emergency' and its use in justifying extreme measures.  Carl Schmitt famously wrote that 'sovereign is he who decides on the exception'.  The exception in 2020 was Coronavirus, and the exception now is JustStopOil, republicans, or anyone with a bicycle lock. One way of looking at this is that in 2020 the government tested our resolve to resist overweaning power and found us wanting.
 
We are reaping now the whirlwind we sowed then.
 
This is a difficult argument to make because the only people resisting these measures at the time were swivel-eyed right-wing libertarians. Somehow, the right have managed to arrogate to themselves the word 'libertarian' as if it belongs wholly and completely to them. There is of course a noble left-wing libertarian tradition which we've allowed to wither to the point where the right fly the flag of freedom and liberty (the irony!!) while any progressive measure carries with it a health warning regarding cancellation, censoriousness and prohibition. I read the following exchange in a recent interview Naomi Klein, and I have some sympathy for what she says:
 
Q. It seems that some young people sees the extreme right as exciting, while the left is boring and prudish. Like someone who enjoys a cutting Ricky Gervais routine more than politically correct jokes.
 
A. It is true, and it is dangerous. It has to do with the censorious passion of the left, its policing of speech and the casual cruelty it displays when someone steps out of line. We could talk about cancel culture, if it weren’t such a loaded concept. To me, there’s no doubt that there is bullying, which tends to push anyone who steps out of line. I’m not the only person on the left who is concerned about this. These young people may find the left stifling, a place where a mistake can make your friends turn against you, and they may believe that on the right, it’s possible to disagree, even if that’s not true. There is policing on both sides of the mirror, but I think the right takes better advantage of that strategy to rally people to its cause. I wish the left thought more about how to increase our ranks instead of how to purge them.
 
So: we’ve forgotten how to be libertarians. One nail in the coffin of left-wing libertarianism was our rather supine reaction to the Government arrogating enormous punitive powers to itself during the pandemic, and this hampers our position regarding the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 and its spin-offs. The Act is justified  by the government by saying that we (environmentalists) are the new ‘emergency’.

Bonkers of course, but effective.
 
The second point is that the UK has long been a ‘police state’ (Porritt’s completely correct term) but environmentalists have only just noticed it because they’ve only recently been systematically subject to its effects. (I say ‘systematically’ because they’ve often been on the receiving end in relatively isolated cases - witness the 1985 ‘Battle of the Beanfield’).
 
There are presently around 87,000 people in prison in the UK, and it has long held the dubious record of the highest rate of incarceration in Western Europe. The poor, the non-white, the drug-dependent and the functionally illiterate are massively over-represented in the prison population. This most likely explains mainstream environmentalists’ ‘lack of concern/interest’ - as Porritt so rightly puts it - about policing and its consequences, given that few environmentalists fall into any of these categories. The excessive punishments recently meted out to environmentalists, and which have brought 
the criminal justice system to environmentalists’ attention, have been part and parcel of the system since forever.
 
The Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) sentences (thank you David Blunkett) and Joint Enterprise Laws are just two egregious examples of the injustices and massive sentences systematically meted out to offenders, and which typically disproportionately affect non-white and poor populations. Martin Tawton’s ten years in prison for stealing a mobile phone is just one of many IPP sentences to set alongside enviromentalists Marcus Decker and Morgan Trowland’s absurdly long prison sentences. These sentences are on a continuum and should be criticised together rather than separately. (While we’re on it, Trowland’s comments that ‘It was quite easy to be happy in prison … I don’t think it’s very scary’  - were unbelievably tone deaf and guaranteed to widen the gap between environmentalists and people like Tawton).
 
In sum, criticism of the laws and policing of environmental dissent must be accompanied by critique of the criminal justice system per se.

​So Jonathon Porritt’s blog might have begun with: ‘First they came for the poor, the drug-dependent, the illiterate and the non-white, then they came for Just Stop Oil …. etc’. We don’t want to be seen as ‘special pleading’ for put-upon environmentalists; our quite proper anger at the sentences handed down to or contemplated for activists must be accompanied by solidarity with all the other hitherto hidden, silent and silenced victims of the criminal justice system.

    Andrew Dobson

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